By Robert Dallek
Because the unique ebook of this vintage booklet in 1979, Roosevelt's overseas coverage has come lower than assault on 3 details: used to be Roosevelt answerable for the war of words with Japan that ended in the assault at Pearl Harbor? Did Roosevelt "give away" jap Europe to Stalin and the U.S.S.R. at Yalta? And, most importantly, did Roosevelt abandon Europe's Jews to the Holocaust, making no direct attempt to help them? In a brand new Afterword to his definitive background, Dallek vigorously and brilliantly defends Roosevelt's coverage. He emphasizes how Roosevelt operated as a grasp baby-kisser in preserving a countrywide consensus for his international coverage all through his presidency and the way he brilliantly accomplished his coverage and army targets.
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Additional info for Franklin D. Roosevelt and American Foreign Policy, 1932-1945: With a New Afterword (Oxford Paperbacks)
Roosevelt had a love affair with power . . ," the political scientist Richard Neustadt has written. "The White House was for him almost a family seat and like the other Roosevelt he regarded the whole country almost as a family property. Once he became the President of the United States that sense of fitness gave him an extraordinary confidence. Roosevelt, almost alone among our Presidents, had no conception of the office to live up to; he was it. " The difficulty Moley and Tugwell had with him at this time over his intentions reflected two techniques he used constantly during the White House years to assure his power to decide.
29 Roosevelt's silence on the subject belied his true feelings. Behind the facade of indifference, he remained vitally concerned about international affairs. On the eve of his presidency, two long-standing convictions shaped this concern: a belief in the interdependence of nations, that is the dependence of nations on each other for long-term prosperity and peace, and a conviction that an effective policy abroad required a stable commitment at home. Translated into more specific terms, he believed that American economic well-being would ultimately depend on the return of economic health abroad through the cooperative action of all the major trading powers, including the United States.
But in the mood of exultation that came with victory, he was determined to try. PART ONE The Internationalist as Nationalist, 1932-1934 This page intentionally left blank I First Things First I F HE WERE TO MAKE any progress toward international prosperity and peace during his first term, Roosevelt believed that he must begin by working out differences with Britain and France. As he had told an English journalist in the summer of 1932, if Britain and the United States could achieve "a complete identity of political and economic interests," they would ".
Franklin D. Roosevelt and American Foreign Policy, 1932-1945: With a New Afterword (Oxford Paperbacks) by Robert Dallek