By Christoph Zürcher, Carrie Manning, Kristie D. Evenson, Rachel Hayman, Sarah Riese, Nora Roehner
Peacebuilding is an interactive strategy that contains collaboration among peacebuilders and the positive elites of a postwar society. whereas the most fashionable assumptions of the peacebuilding literature asserts that the pursuits of family elites and peacebuilders coincide, Costly Democracy contends that they hardly ever align.
It finds that, whereas family elites in postwar societies may possibly hope the assets that peacebuilders can convey, they can be much less wanting to undertake democracy, believing that democratic reforms may well endanger their sizeable pursuits. The booklet deals comparative analyses of contemporary circumstances of peacebuilding to deepen knowing of postwar democratization and higher clarify why peacebuilding missions frequently carry peace—but seldom democracy—to war-torn nations.
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Extra info for Costly Democracy: Peacebuilding and Democratization after War
It is possible that domestic political actors perceive full cooperation with peacebuilders to be in their best interests, as we have seen in Namibia. However, it is more likely that the priorities of domestic elites will differ from those of peacebuilders. Domestic political actors may welcome peace but not democracy, for several reasons. First, local elites may believe that democratic rules threaten their security interests. In some postwar countries, democratization has been followed by mass mobilization, riots, and finally civil wars.
As a result, the government may become less responsive to peacebuilders’ prescriptions. This is not to say that democracy is impossible in countries with wellentrenched systems of patronage. 19 Where patronage systems are entrenched, politicians can win elections by directing resources to patrons who control voting subpopulations. Under such circumstances, democracy will not yield its full benefits because patronage invalidates the supposed social contract based on mutual obligations between political elites and the voting public.
Simply put, we argue that postwar democratization succeeds when domestic political elites calculate that the benefits of adopting democracy outweigh its costs. Theoretically, postwar democratization could also succeed where domestic political elites prefer not to embrace democracy, but external peacebuilders possess sufficient leverage to impose it. In our formulation, war characteristics matter because they influence the calculations of domestic political elites as well as the leverage that external peacebuilders can exert.
Costly Democracy: Peacebuilding and Democratization after War by Christoph Zürcher, Carrie Manning, Kristie D. Evenson, Rachel Hayman, Sarah Riese, Nora Roehner